Decolonization and Its Aftermath (1945-1975)

The Unraveling of Empire

The process of decolonization was neither smooth nor uniform across French territories. While some colonies achieved independence through negotiation, others required armed struggle. France's approach varied from graceful withdrawal to desperate attempts to maintain control through new arrangements.

The 1960 "Year of Africa" saw fourteen French colonies gain formal independence, but as Cameroonian philosopher Achille Mbembe notes: "Independence was granted on condition that it change nothing fundamental. The colonial state was Africanized, not dismantled. Economic relationships, military agreements, and cultural hierarchies largely remained intact."

Neo-Colonial Arrangements

France developed sophisticated mechanisms to maintain influence after formal independence. The concept of "Françafrique," coined by Ivorian president Félix Houphouët-Boigny but later used critically, described the web of political, economic, and military relationships binding former colonies to France.

Key elements included:

The CFA Franc: This currency, used by fourteen African countries, is guaranteed by the French Treasury but requires these nations to deposit 50% of their foreign reserves in France. Togolese economist Kako Nubukpo argues: "The CFA franc is a colonial relic that prevents monetary sovereignty and economic development. It ensures African economies remain oriented toward France rather than regional integration."

Defense Agreements: Secret military accords allowed France to maintain bases and intervene militarily in former colonies. Between 1960 and 2020, France conducted over fifty military interventions in Africa, often to prop up friendly regimes.

Economic Domination: French companies received preferential access to resources and markets in former colonies. Companies like Total, Areva, and Bolloré built quasi-monopolies in sectors from oil to infrastructure.

Political Manipulation and the "Messieurs Afrique"

France maintained influence through networks of advisors, businessmen, and intelligence operatives known as "Messieurs Afrique." The most notorious, Jacques Foccart, served as De Gaulle's advisor on African affairs and orchestrated coups, assassinations, and election manipulations across the continent.

Congolese historian Elikia M'Bokolo observes: "Françafrique created a system where African leaders were more accountable to Paris than their own people. Democracy became a facade, with France supporting dictators who served its interests while preaching human rights."

The Algerian Exception

Algeria's independence in 1962 after a brutal eight-year war created a different dynamic. The massive exodus of pieds-noirs (European settlers) and the depth of wartime trauma made normal relations impossible initially. The Évian Accords attempted to protect French interests, particularly in Saharan oil, but Algeria under Ahmed Ben Bella and later Houari Boumédiène pursued genuine independence.

Algeria nationalized oil resources, promoted Third World solidarity, and supported liberation movements globally. This path demonstrated alternative possibilities but also showed their costs - France attempted to isolate Algeria economically and politically.

The Harkis: Abandoned Allies

Among the most tragic legacies of decolonization was the fate of the harkis - Algerians who had served with French forces. Despite promises of protection, France abandoned most harkis to violent reprisals after independence. Those who reached France faced discrimination and were confined to isolated camps.

Harki descendant Dalila Kerchouche writes: "We were neither French nor Algerian, traitors to some, embarrassments to others. Our parents' choice, made for complex reasons including survival, condemned generations to marginalization in both societies."

The Antillean Paradox

While African and Asian colonies gained independence, France's Caribbean territories - Martinique, Guadeloupe, and French Guiana - became overseas departments in 1946. This integration brought French social benefits but also economic dependence and cultural assimilation pressures.

Martinican writer Édouard Glissant explained this paradox: "We gained French citizenship but lost the possibility of sovereignty. We became permanently minor, eternally dependent, our economy and culture oriented toward a distant metropole rather than our Caribbean neighbors."

Some Antillean intellectuals and activists continued advocating independence, but the majority population, wary of Haiti's poverty and instability, chose continued association with France despite its limitations.

Continuing Colonial Territories

France retained control over various territories deemed too small, strategic, or dependent for independence. New Caledonia's nickel resources, French Polynesia's nuclear testing sites, and Mayotte's strategic location ensured continued French presence.

These territories became sites of ongoing colonial tensions. Kanak independence movements in New Caledonia faced violent suppression in the 1980s. French nuclear testing in Polynesia (1966-1996) caused environmental devastation and health crises that France only recently began acknowledging.

Development Aid as Soft Power

France pioneered using development aid as a tool of influence, creating the Ministry of Cooperation specifically for former colonies. While providing some genuine assistance, aid often came with conditions that benefited French companies and maintained dependency.

Senegalese economist Samir Amin critiqued this system: "Development aid as practiced by France is not solidarity but a tool of domination. It creates debt, encourages corruption, and prevents recipients from pursuing autonomous development strategies."

Cultural Hegemony: La Francophonie

The Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, established in 1970, institutionalized French cultural influence. While promoting linguistic diversity and cultural exchange, critics see it as soft imperialism.

Congolese writer Sony Labou Tansi argued: "French is a beautiful language, but when it becomes the sole path to education and advancement, when our own languages are deemed insufficient for modernity, linguistic colonialism continues."

The Rwandan Genocide: France's Darkest Hour

France's role in the 1994 Rwandan genocide represents perhaps the most damaging legacy of Françafrique. French support for the Habyarimana regime, military training for genocidaires, and Operation Turquoise, which critics argue enabled killers to escape, revealed the deadly consequences of neo-colonial policies.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame stated: "France's role in the genocide is a fact. They armed, trained, and protected those who committed genocide. This is the logical conclusion of treating Africa as a chessboard for geopolitical games."

Structural Adjustment and Economic Crisis

The 1980s debt crisis exposed the fragility of post-colonial economies. Structural adjustment programs imposed by international financial institutions, often with French support, demanded privatization, subsidy cuts, and market liberalization. These policies devastated social services and increased poverty.

Burkinabé president Thomas Sankara, before his assassination in 1987 (with suspected French involvement), declared: "Debt is a cleverly managed reconquest of Africa. It is a reconquest that turns each one of us into a financial slave."

Voices of Resistance

Despite neo-colonial pressures, voices of resistance persisted. Leaders like Sékou Touré, despite his authoritarianism, maintained genuine independence from France. Intellectuals like Mongo Beti, Ahmadou Kourouma, and Mariama Bâ critiqued both colonial legacies and post-colonial failures.

The next generation would inherit this complex legacy - formal independence compromised by continued dependence, cultural pride mixed with economic marginalization, and the ongoing struggle to define relationships on equal terms.

---