Building Free France

The winter of 1940-41 was the darkest period for Free France. The Dakar failure had shaken confidence. Recruitment slowed to a trickle. The British, facing the Blitz, had little attention to spare for their difficult French ally. Some in Churchill's cabinet openly questioned whether supporting de Gaulle was worth the trouble.

De Gaulle responded with characteristic determination. If he could not yet liberate French territory in Africa, he would build the political and administrative structure of a government-in-exile. The man who had been a soldier all his life now had to become a politician, diplomat, and statesman.

The Empire Rallies

The breakthrough came from an unexpected quarter. While Dakar had rejected Free France, other parts of the French Empire began to rally. On August 26, 1940, Félix Éboué, the black governor of Chad and one of the most senior colonial administrators of African origin, declared for de Gaulle. It was a crucial moment—not just strategically but symbolically. Here was proof that Free France could appeal across racial and cultural lines.

Other territories followed: French Equatorial Africa, Cameroon, French Polynesia, New Caledonia. By the end of 1940, de Gaulle could claim authority over significant portions of the French Empire. These were not the richest or most populous territories, but they provided what Free France desperately needed: legitimacy, resources, and hope.

De Gaulle understood the importance of these colonial rallies. In November 1940, he created the Empire Defense Council, giving Free France a quasi-governmental structure. He was careful to include colonial representatives, understanding that Free France could not simply be a movement of metropolitan French exiles.

This period also revealed de Gaulle's evolving views on empire. While he spoke of defending the French Empire, he also began to articulate a vision of post-war reform. In speeches to colonial audiences, he promised that their loyalty would be remembered, that the post-war world would see a new relationship between France and its overseas territories. These were vague promises, but they marked the beginning of a transformation in French colonial thinking.

The Cross of Lorraine

Every movement needs symbols, and de Gaulle proved adept at creating them. The Cross of Lorraine, adopted as the symbol of Free France, was inspired but also calculated. It evoked both Christian France and the lost province of Lorraine, symbol of French determination to recover from defeat. Simple enough to be chalked on walls or worn as a pin, it became the visual representation of resistance.

De Gaulle also understood the power of ceremony. When Free French forces paraded in London, they did so with all the pomp available. When he visited Free French territories, he did so as the representative of France itself, not as a rebel general. Every gesture was calculated to reinforce the message: Free France was the legitimate continuation of the French state.

This insistence on legitimacy brought de Gaulle into conflict with his British hosts. He refused to be treated as simply another allied commander. He demanded recognition as the leader of Fighting France (as Free France was renamed in 1942). He insisted on maintaining French sovereignty in liberated territories. His prickly defense of French prerogatives exasperated the British and Americans but established a crucial principle: France had not disappeared with defeat.

Internal Resistance Takes Shape

While de Gaulle built Free France from London, inside occupied France, resistance was stirring. The early resistance was spontaneous, uncoordinated, often suicidal. Students distributed underground newspapers. Workers sabotaged German war production. Former soldiers hid weapons and waited for opportunities.

De Gaulle's role in this internal resistance was initially limited. Communication was difficult, trust was scarce, and many resisters were suspicious of the London exile. Some were communists who distrusted the conservative general. Others were loyal to other leaders or skeptical of any external authority.

But gradually, connections were made. Jean Moulin, a prefect dismissed by Vichy, made his way to London in 1941 and convinced de Gaulle of the need to unify the internal resistance. Appointed de Gaulle's delegate, Moulin returned to France with the seemingly impossible task of uniting the disparate resistance movements under Free French authority.

The process was slow and dangerous. Each contact risked betrayal. The Gestapo and Vichy police were ruthlessly efficient. But Moulin, with extraordinary courage and diplomatic skill, gradually brought the major resistance movements into a unified structure. By 1943, the National Council of Resistance acknowledged de Gaulle's leadership, giving him claim to represent not just external Free France but internal resistance as well.

The Intelligence War

One area where Free France quickly proved its worth was intelligence. Under "Colonel Passy" (André Dewavrin), the Bureau Central de Renseignements et d'Action (BCRA) developed into a formidable intelligence organization. Starting with nothing, Passy built networks across occupied France and the French Empire.

The intelligence provided by Free French networks proved invaluable to the Allied war effort. French agents provided detailed information on German deployments, coastal defenses, and industrial targets. The Resistance networks served as guides for downed Allied airmen and escaped prisoners of war. By 1943, the BCRA was recognized as one of the most effective intelligence services in the Allied camp.

But intelligence work also revealed the moral complexities of resistance. Agents had to make terrible choices—whom to trust, when to act, how to balance immediate gains against long-term survival. The BCRA authorized assassinations of collaborators and German officials, raising questions about the ethics of resistance that de Gaulle largely avoided addressing publicly.