Rebuilding the Republic

By late 1945, the immediate crisis had passed. Order was restored, basic services functioned, France had reclaimed its international position. Now came the question de Gaulle had deferred: what kind of republic would France be? The Resistance had dreamed of profound transformation. Political parties, suppressed during the war, reemerged with their own visions. De Gaulle's authoritarian style, necessary during crisis, increasingly chafed.

The Constitutional Debate

The Third Republic was dead—everyone agreed on that. Its parliamentary chaos and executive weakness had contributed to the 1940 catastrophe. But what should replace it? De Gaulle had clear ideas: a strong executive, able to embody national unity above party politics. The parties, particularly the communists and socialists who together commanded a majority, wanted a powerful parliament checking executive authority.

The debate revealed fundamental differences about democracy itself. For de Gaulle, democracy meant the people choosing a leader who could act decisively. For his opponents, it meant parliamentary deliberation and compromise. De Gaulle wanted a president as head of state with real powers; the parties wanted a figurehead.

The referendum of October 1945 produced a mixed verdict. Voters overwhelmingly rejected returning to the Third Republic but elected a Constituent Assembly dominated by parties hostile to de Gaulle's constitutional vision. The communists emerged as the largest party with 26% of the vote, followed by the socialists and the new Christian democratic party, the MRP.

De Gaulle found himself in an impossible position. The Assembly unanimously elected him head of government, recognizing his unique prestige. But they expected him to govern as their delegate, implementing their program. For a man who believed he embodied France itself, this was intolerable.

The Breaking Point

The final crisis came over the military budget in January 1946. The socialists demanded a 20% reduction in military spending. For de Gaulle, this was not just a budgetary issue but a fundamental question of France's status as a great power. A France that could not maintain significant military forces would become a satellite of the Anglo-Americans or Soviets.

The dispute revealed deeper conflicts. Party leaders resented de Gaulle's hauteur, his habit of making decisions without consultation, his obvious disdain for parliamentary maneuvering. De Gaulle despised what he saw as their petty ambitions, their preference for party advantage over national interest, their willingness to subordinate France to ideological commitments.

On January 20, 1946, de Gaulle summoned his ministers and announced his resignation. The statement was brief and bitter: "The exclusive regime of parties has reappeared. I disapprove of it." He would not lead a France governed by parliamentary combination and compromise. Like Achilles, he would withdraw to his tent and await the call to return.

The Wilderness Begins

De Gaulle's departure stunned France. Many expected him to reconsider, to accept a compromise. Instead, he returned to his modest home in Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, purchased with a loan in 1934, and entered what would be a twelve-year political wilderness.

His farewell was characteristic—no appeal to supporters, no attempt to organize a movement, just withdrawal in disdainful silence. "I have no intention of beginning a new career as a dictator at the age of 55," he told an aide. If France wanted parliamentary government, let it have it. When it failed, as he was certain it would, France would call him back.

The immediate reaction seemed to vindicate the parties. Government continued, the sky did not fall. Socialist Félix Gouin became prime minister, governing with communist and MRP support. The new regime looked remarkably like the old Third Republic—coalition governments, parliamentary deals, ministerial instability. Within a year, governments were falling every few months.