From Ashes to Unity - The Birth of European Cooperation

The Schuman Declaration: May 9, 1950

In the grand Salon de l'Horloge at the Quai d'Orsay, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman stood before a gathering of journalists on a spring day that would reshape European history. His words were simple yet revolutionary: "Europe will not be made all at once, or according to a single plan. It will be built through concrete achievements which first create a de facto solidarity."

Marie-Claire Duchamp, then a young secretary in the Foreign Ministry, recalls the electric atmosphere: "We knew something momentous was happening. Monsieur Schuman, usually so reserved, had a light in his eyes. He spoke of pooling coal and steel production between France and Germany—materials of war becoming instruments of peace. Some thought him mad, but others of us who had lived through two wars saw hope."

The Schuman Declaration proposed something unprecedented: former enemies would share control over the very resources that had fueled their conflicts. This wasn't merely an economic arrangement but a profound reimagining of European relations. For France, still bearing the scars of occupation and division, it represented both a leap of faith and pragmatic statecraft.

The Architects of Integration

Understanding France's foundational role in the EU requires knowing the extraordinary individuals who shaped this vision. Robert Schuman himself embodied European complexity—born in Luxembourg to a Lorraine family, he held German citizenship until Alsace-Lorraine returned to France in 1918. His personal history made him uniquely positioned to envision transcending national boundaries.

Jean Monnet, the intellectual architect behind the Schuman Plan, brought a different perspective. Never elected to office, this cognac merchant turned international civil servant possessed an unusual gift for making the impossible seem inevitable. His method was distinctly pragmatic: "I am not an optimist," he once said, "I am determined."

Pierre Mendès France, though initially skeptical, would later embrace European integration with a specifically French vision—one that balanced supranational cooperation with national prerogatives. This tension between integration and sovereignty would become a defining characteristic of France's European journey.

The Treaty of Paris: Making Vision Reality

On April 18, 1951, in the same city where Schuman had made his declaration, six nations signed the Treaty of Paris, establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). For France, this moment represented multiple victories: economic reconstruction, German containment through integration, and French leadership of a new European order.

Jacques Delors, who would later become President of the European Commission, was then a young bank employee. He remembered: "My father, who had fought in the Resistance, wept when he heard about the treaty. 'Perhaps,' he said, 'your generation will know what we never did—a Europe without war.'"

The French Parliament's debate over ratification revealed the complexities that would characterize France's entire EU relationship. Gaullists worried about sovereignty, Communists saw American manipulation, while centrists like Schuman emphasized practical benefits. The treaty passed, but the debates presaged future tensions.

French Ideals, European Institutions

As the ECSC evolved into the European Economic Community through the 1957 Treaty of Rome, French influence profoundly shaped emerging institutions. The principle of "acquis communautaire"—the accumulated body of EU law—reflected French legal traditions. The Common Agricultural Policy, which would consume the largest share of the European budget for decades, bore unmistakable French fingerprints.

Simone Veil, who would later become the first President of the elected European Parliament, observed: "France brought to Europe not just interests but ideals—our Republican values of liberty, equality, and fraternity translated into European principles of democracy, solidarity, and human rights."

Yet this influence wasn't unidirectional. European integration also transformed France. The need to cooperate with partners moderated French dirigisme. Competition with German efficiency spurred French industrial modernization. Most profoundly, the habit of European cooperation became embedded in French political culture.

De Gaulle's Vision: A Europe of Nations

Charles de Gaulle's return to power in 1958 marked a crucial turning point. The General, who had initially opposed the ECSC as a surrender of sovereignty, developed his own European vision—"l'Europe des patries" (a Europe of homelands). This wasn't rejection of Europe but insistence that European cooperation must respect national identities and prerogatives.

De Gaulle's "empty chair crisis" of 1965, when France boycotted Community institutions for six months, established the principle that vital national interests could not be overridden by majority vote. The resulting "Luxembourg Compromise" enshrined a de facto national veto that reflected French insistence on sovereignty within integration.

Yet De Gaulle also championed European achievements. The Common Agricultural Policy, launched in 1962, secured French farming interests while creating Europe's first truly common policy. His vision of European independence from superpower domination resonated beyond France, even as his methods sometimes frustrated partners.

Voices from the Countryside: The CAP's Human Impact

The Common Agricultural Policy transformed rural France in ways both profound and personal. In the village of Saint-Émilion, winegrower Bernard Lafitte recalls: "Suddenly, we weren't just making wine for Bordeaux or Paris—we were part of a European market. Brussels seemed very far away, but the subsidies were real, and so were the regulations."

The CAP brought modernization and prosperity to many French farms but also disruption. Small farmers faced pressure to consolidate or specialize. Traditional practices gave way to European standards. In Normandy, dairy farmer Sylvie Dubois notes: "My grandmother made cheese one way for centuries. Now we follow European rules. The cheese is safer, perhaps better, but something was lost too."

These rural experiences shaped French attitudes toward Europe—gratitude mixed with resentment, opportunity tempered by nostalgia. The CAP made French farmers among Europe's most productive but also dependent on Brussels decisions that could seem remote from local realities.

May 1968 and European Consciousness

The student uprising of May 1968, while primarily focused on domestic issues, revealed a generation that took European cooperation for granted while demanding it go further. "We didn't march for or against Europe," recalls former student leader Daniel Cohn-Bendit, "Europe was simply part of our world. We wanted to transform that world."

This generational shift was crucial. Young French people who came of age in the 1960s knew Europe as a space of possibility rather than conflict. Exchange programs, though limited, created personal connections across borders. The idea of working in Milan or studying in Munich became conceivable, even normal.

Pompidou's Pragmatism: Widening and Deepening

Georges Pompidou, succeeding de Gaulle in 1969, brought a more pragmatic approach to European affairs. His acceptance of British membership, after de Gaulle's repeated vetoes, recognized geopolitical realities while securing French interests through careful negotiation.

The 1969 Hague Summit, where Pompidou endorsed both enlargement and deeper integration, established a pattern that would characterize French European policy: acceptance of expansion coupled with insistence on strengthening common policies and institutions. France would support a bigger Europe but not at the expense of a weaker one.

The Oil Shocks and European Solidarity

The 1973 oil crisis tested European solidarity and revealed both its limits and potential. France, more dependent on imported energy than some partners, initially pursued bilateral deals with oil producers. Yet the crisis also demonstrated the need for coordinated European responses to global challenges.

Michel Rocard, then a rising Socialist politician, argued: "The oil shock showed we could no longer pretend national solutions sufficed for global problems. Europe needed to speak with one voice or risk being ignored."

This realization would drive French support for deeper European coordination in energy, monetary policy, and eventually foreign affairs—though always with careful attention to preserving French room for maneuver.

Giscard d'Estaing: The European Modernizer

Valéry Giscard d'Estaing brought to the French presidency in 1974 a genuinely European vision. Fluent in English and German, comfortable with foreign leaders, he saw European integration as essential to French modernization. His partnership with German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt created the European Monetary System, predecessor to the euro.

"Giscard understood," recalls Jacques Delors, "that France could not modernize alone. Europe was not a constraint on French ambitions but a multiplier of French influence."

The creation of the European Council, bringing together heads of government for regular summits, reflected French preference for intergovernmental cooperation over supranational authority. France would be European, but Europe would be led by its member states, not Brussels bureaucrats.

Mitterrand's Grand Design

François Mitterrand's presidency (1981-1995) marked the apotheosis of French European ambition. After initial attempts at Socialist unilateralism failed, Mitterrand became Europe's most eloquent advocate. His partnership with Helmut Kohl, symbolized by their hand-holding at Verdun in 1984, embodied Franco-German reconciliation.

The Single European Act of 1986 and the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 bore strong French influence. Mitterrand saw deeper integration as essential to anchoring unified Germany in Europe and projecting European power globally. His vision was grand—a European Union that could rival the United States while preserving European social models against Anglo-Saxon capitalism.

Yet Mitterrand's European ambitions also revealed French anxieties. The bitter debate over Maastricht ratification, which passed by only 51%, showed that elite consensus on Europe didn't always match popular sentiment. Rural France, in particular, worried about lost sovereignty and cultural dilution.

The Euro: French Project, Shared Currency

The euro represented perhaps France's most ambitious European project. Conceived partly to contain German monetary dominance, it required France to abandon the franc—a symbol of national sovereignty since Napoleon. The debates were fierce, touching core questions of identity and independence.

For supporters like Prime Minister Édouard Balladur, the euro would "make Europe an economic superpower and protect our social model." Critics like Philippe Séguin warned of a "leap into the dark" that would strip France of essential economic tools.

The French public remained divided. Shop owner Marie Bertrand in Lyon expressed common sentiments: "I understand the economic arguments, but the franc is part of who we are. Will we still be French without it?"

Chirac: The Pragmatic European

Jacques Chirac's presidency (1995-2007) reflected evolving French attitudes toward Europe—less idealistic than Mitterrand, more pragmatic about protecting French interests, yet ultimately committed to the European project. His rejection of the European Constitution in 2005, despite personal support, revealed the growing gap between French elites and citizens on Europe.

The failed referendum traumatized French political classes. How had the country that helped found Europe become skeptical of its direction? The answers were complex—fears about enlargement diluting French influence, concerns about neoliberal policies, anxiety about cultural identity in an increasingly diverse Europe.

Sarkozy and the Financial Crisis

Nicolas Sarkozy's hyperactive presidency coincided with the 2008 financial crisis, where French leadership proved crucial. His energy in coordinating European responses, working with Gordon Brown and Angela Merkel, showed France still capable of European leadership in crisis.

"Sarkozy understood," notes former European Commissioner Michel Barnier, "that in crisis, Europe needed French initiative and German resources. He provided the former while securing the latter."

Yet the crisis also exposed European fragilities that worried French observers. The struggles of Greece and other periphery countries raised questions about solidarity and the sustainability of monetary union without fiscal union.

Hollande: Seeking Balance

François Hollande's presidency (2012-2017) sought to rebalance European austerity policies while maintaining French credibility. His push for growth initiatives alongside fiscal discipline reflected traditional French preferences for active government over market solutions.

The migration crisis of 2015 tested European solidarity in new ways. France's response—accepting refugees while tightening borders—embodied broader European ambivalence. Hollande's attempts to lead European responses were complicated by domestic terror attacks that hardened public attitudes.

Macron: Relaunching the European Project

Emmanuel Macron's 2017 election represented a dramatic reaffirmation of French European commitment. His Sorbonne speech proposing European "sovereignty" updated Gaullist concepts for modern challenges. Yet his reforms faced familiar obstacles—German hesitation, Eastern European suspicion, and domestic resistance.

The COVID-19 pandemic initially threatened European solidarity as borders closed and nations competed for medical supplies. Yet the eventual agreement on common debt for recovery funds, long a French goal, showed Europe capable of evolution in crisis.

Lessons from History

Seven decades of French EU membership offer crucial lessons:

1. French leadership remains essential: Major European advances—from the ECSC to the euro to pandemic recovery—have required French initiative and vision.

2. Sovereignty concerns persist: Each generation of French leaders has grappled with balancing European integration with national independence. This tension is not weakness but creative force.

3. Elite-public gaps matter: When French leaders have moved too far ahead of public opinion on Europe, backlash has followed. Sustainable integration requires democratic legitimacy.

4. Crises drive integration: From post-war reconstruction to financial crisis to pandemic, external shocks have repeatedly pushed France and Europe toward deeper cooperation.

5. Values matter as much as interests: France has brought to Europe not just national interests but Republican ideals that have shaped European identity.

Contemporary Reflections

Today's French citizens inherit this complex legacy. In Strasbourg, home to the European Parliament, university student Amadou Diallo reflects: "My grandparents came from Senegal when it was still French. Now I'm French and European. These identities layer upon each other—they don't cancel out."

In Lille, near the Belgian border, entrepreneur Sophie Martin runs a business serving clients across Europe: "The single market isn't abstract for me—it's my daily reality. But I also understand those who fear losing what makes France special."

Rural mayor Jean-Pierre Rousseau in the Auvergne expresses common ambivalence: "Europe has brought our region investment and opportunities. But sometimes Brussels seems to understand cows better than farmers. We need Europe, but Europe needs to understand us too."

Looking Forward

France's foundational role in the EU created patterns that persist today—the push for European sovereignty, the tension between integration and independence, the insistence that Europe reflect French values alongside interests. Understanding this history is essential for grasping contemporary debates.

As Europe faces new challenges—digital transformation, climate change, geopolitical competition—France's historical experience offers both inspiration and caution. The vision of the founders remains relevant: peace through integration, prosperity through cooperation, influence through unity. Yet their methods require updating for new realities.

The next chapters will explore how this historical foundation shapes current relationships and future possibilities. The story of France in Europe began with visionaries imagining the impossible. It continues with citizens navigating the complexities of making that vision work in practice.

France gave Europe many gifts—institutional models, policy frameworks, grand visions. Europe gave France something equally precious: a framework for transcending historical conflicts while pursuing national ambitions. This reciprocal relationship, born from the ashes of war, remains essential for both French and European futures.

The foundation is solid, built by giants like Schuman and Monnet, strengthened by successors who adapted their vision to new realities. On this foundation, current and future generations must build their own European house—one that honors the past while embracing change, that respects diversity while pursuing unity, that serves citizens while tackling global challenges.

The story continues, and its next chapters remain to be written by the French and European citizens of today and tomorrow.# Part 2: The Franco-German Partnership