The Motor of Europe - Understanding the Franco-German Relationship
From Enemies to Partners: The Miracle of Reconciliation
Standing at the Hartmannswillerkopf memorial in Alsace, where 30,000 French and German soldiers died fighting over the same hilltop during World War I, it's difficult to imagine that these two nations would become the closest of partners. Yet this transformation from "hereditary enemies" to the "motor of Europe" represents one of history's most successful reconciliations.
Jean-Claude Juncker, former President of the European Commission, once observed: "Those who know history cannot take Franco-German friendship for granted. Those who forget history cannot understand why it matters so much."
The reconciliation didn't happen overnight. It required deliberate choices by visionary leaders, concrete mechanisms for cooperation, and perhaps most importantly, the willingness of ordinary French and German citizens to overcome centuries of mistrust and hatred.
The Personal Dimension: De Gaulle and Adenauer
The partnership truly began with an unlikely friendship between two elderly statesmen. When Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer first met in September 1958 at de Gaulle's home in Colombey-les-Deux-Églises, both men carried the weight of history. De Gaulle had fought against Germany in two wars; Adenauer had seen his country devastated by those same conflicts.
Marie de Gaulle, the General's daughter, later recalled: "Father was nervous before Adenauer's arrival—I had rarely seen him so. But when they met, something clicked. They spoke in German, which father had learned as a prisoner of war. By dinner's end, they were planning Europe's future."
This personal chemistry mattered immensely. When de Gaulle visited Germany in 1962, his speeches in German to enthusiastic crowds created emotional moments of reconciliation. In Ludwigsburg, he told German youth: "You are the children of a great people. Yes, of a great people that sometimes, in the course of its history, has committed great errors and caused great sufferings."
The Élysée Treaty: Institutionalizing Friendship
The 1963 Élysée Treaty, signed by de Gaulle and Adenauer, created a framework for cooperation that endures today. More than a diplomatic agreement, it mandated regular meetings at all levels of government and promoted youth exchanges, creating habits of cooperation that would outlast any particular leaders.
Hans Mueller, among the first German exchange students to France in 1964, remembers: "My French host family in Nancy had lost a son in the war. The first dinner was silent, awkward. But slowly, over weeks, we began to talk—about music, sports, girls. By the end, they called me their German son. That's how peace is really made—one family at a time."
The treaty faced initial skepticism. Many French worried about German economic dominance; many Germans feared French political manipulation. The German Bundestag even added a preamble emphasizing Atlantic ties, diluting de Gaulle's vision of an independent European pole. Yet the mechanism of regular consultation proved more powerful than these early tensions.
Economic Complementarity and Competition
The Franco-German economic relationship has always combined complementarity with competition. Germany's industrial strength and France's agricultural power created natural synergies within the Common Market. Yet differences in economic philosophy—German ordo-liberalism versus French dirigisme—also created persistent tensions.
Claude Allègre, former French Minister of Education and Research, explains: "We French excel at grand designs and theoretical frameworks. Germans excel at practical implementation and incremental improvement. Europe needs both, but reconciling these approaches is never simple."
These differences play out in corporate partnerships. The aerospace giant Airbus, born from Franco-German cooperation, succeeded by combining French design flair with German engineering precision. Yet the partnership required decades of patient negotiation over workshare, technology transfer, and corporate culture.
In the Toulouse Airbus factory, engineer Marie Dupont works alongside German colleagues: "We joke about our differences—they think we talk too much in meetings, we think they're too rigid about procedures. But when we design an aircraft together, it flies beautifully."
The Schmidt-Giscard Partnership: Economic Innovation
The 1970s partnership between Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing showed how personal relationships could drive European integration. Both men, economically literate and internationally minded, shared a vision of monetary cooperation to shield Europe from global turbulence.
Their creation of the European Monetary System in 1979 laid groundwork for the eventual euro. Schmidt later reflected: "Giscard and I understood that in a world of floating currencies and economic shocks, Europe needed its own zone of stability. We didn't always agree on details, but we agreed on direction."
This partnership also showed the importance of informal coordination. The two leaders famously conducted private conversations in English—a language neither's officials fully mastered—to ensure frank exchanges. Their personal trust enabled compromises that formal negotiations might not have achieved.
Mitterrand-Kohl: The Transformative Partnership
No Franco-German partnership shaped modern Europe more than that between François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl. Despite ideological differences—Mitterrand the Socialist, Kohl the Christian Democrat—they forged a relationship that survived German reunification and created the European Union.
The famous photograph of them holding hands at Verdun in 1984, at the site of World War I's bloodiest battle, captured a moment of genuine emotion. Kohl later wrote: "When we stood there, holding hands, I thought of my brother who died in the war. Mitterrand thought of his time as a prisoner of war. No words were needed."
Their partnership faced its greatest test with German reunification. Many French feared a reunified Germany would dominate Europe or drift eastward. Mitterrand's response was to bind Germany more tightly to Europe through deeper integration—the strategy behind the Maastricht Treaty and the euro.
Interior Ministry official Jacques Andreani, who participated in these negotiations, recalls: "Mitterrand's genius was to present deeper integration not as a constraint on Germany but as a way for Germany to exercise leadership legitimately. Kohl understood this and embraced it."
The Euro: A Franco-German Compromise
The creation of the euro embodied Franco-German compromise. France sought to end the Deutsche Mark's dominance and create a currency supporting European power projection. Germany wanted to preserve monetary stability and fiscal discipline. The result satisfied neither completely but worked for both.
The European Central Bank's location in Frankfurt symbolized German insistence on monetary orthodoxy, while its French presidents (Jean-Claude Trichet and Christine Lagarde) reflected continuing French influence. This delicate balance requires constant maintenance.
Banking executive Wilhelm Schneider in Frankfurt observes: "The euro is like a Franco-German marriage. The Germans bring financial discipline, the French bring political vision. Sometimes they quarrel about household expenses, but divorce would be catastrophic for both."
Different Visions of Europe
Despite close partnership, France and Germany have never fully aligned their European visions. France traditionally favors a more integrated, politically directed Europe capable of strategic autonomy. Germany often prefers a more decentralized, rule-based Europe focused on economic integration.
These differences surfaced repeatedly—in debates over the Iraq War, responses to the financial crisis, approaches to European defense. Yet the partnership's strength lies in its ability to find compromises that, while satisfying neither completely, move Europe forward.
Former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer notes: "France wants a European France, Germany wants a European Germany. These aren't the same thing, but they're compatible enough to work with."
The Challenge of Enlargement
EU enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe tested Franco-German partnership. Germany, with deep historical and economic ties to the East, championed expansion. France worried about dilution of its influence and the challenge of managing a larger, more diverse Union.
Polish diplomat Anna Kowalska observed the dynamics: "Germany was our advocate, understanding our European aspirations. France was more skeptical, fearing we would be America's Trojan horse. We needed both—German support to join and French insistence on maintaining European cohesion."
The compromise—enlargement coupled with attempts at institutional reform—reflected typical Franco-German balancing. Neither got everything they wanted, but Europe expanded while maintaining (albeit with difficulty) its capacity to act.
Merkel-Sarkozy: Managing Crisis
The 2008 financial crisis and subsequent eurozone crisis tested Franco-German leadership as never before. Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy, dubbed "Merkozy" despite their personal tensions, had to coordinate responses to potential eurozone collapse.
Their relationship was notably frosty. Sarkozy's hyperactive style clashed with Merkel's methodical approach. Yet crisis forced cooperation. A French official who attended their meetings recalls: "They genuinely irritated each other. But both understood that Franco-German division would mean European catastrophe."
Their crisis management—bailouts coupled with austerity, European stability mechanisms with German-inspired fiscal rules—satisfied no one completely but prevented eurozone collapse. The experience showed both the necessity and limitations of Franco-German leadership.
Macron-Merkel: Unfulfilled Ambitions
Emmanuel Macron's 2017 election raised hopes for renewed Franco-German dynamism. His Sorbonne speech proposing European sovereignty found echoes in Merkel's cautious support for European strategic autonomy. Yet their partnership produced less than hoped.
German hesitation about Macron's grand designs—European army, fiscal union, digital sovereignty—reflected deeper differences about Europe's direction. Merkel's impending retirement and German coalition politics limited room for bold initiatives.
French diplomatic advisor explains: "Macron came with a French tradition—grand vision, comprehensive reform. Merkel came with German tradition—incremental steps, careful consensus. Both are needed, but synchronizing them proved difficult."
Beyond the Leaders: Institutional Cooperation
Franco-German partnership extends far beyond leaders. Thousands of officials meet regularly under the Élysée Treaty framework. Joint military units, like the Franco-German Brigade, create practical cooperation. Border regions develop integrated economies that make separation unthinkable.
In Strasbourg and Kehl, separated only by the Rhine, daily life is thoroughly integrated. Stephanie Weber lives in Kehl but works in Strasbourg: "My children go to a bilingual school. We shop on both sides of the border. My family is the Franco-German partnership in miniature."
These grassroots connections provide ballast when political relationships strain. They create constituencies in both countries with concrete stakes in cooperation.
Economic Integration and Its Discontents
Franco-German economic integration runs deep. French companies own significant German assets; German investment in France is substantial. Supply chains interweave both economies. Yet this integration also creates vulnerabilities and resentments.
French workers worry about German companies bringing their labor practices. German taxpayers resent financing what they see as French profligacy. These tensions surfaced during the eurozone crisis and continue to simmer.
Labor union representative in Lyon, Michel Fabius, expresses common concerns: "German companies are efficient, yes, but they also pressure us to accept their model—fewer protections, more flexibility. European integration shouldn't mean losing our French social model."
The Cultural Dimension
Cultural exchange remains crucial to Franco-German partnership. Millions have participated in youth exchanges. French remains the most studied foreign language in Germany after English; German study in France, while declining, maintains importance.
Yet cultural differences persist. French intellectual Sophie Marceau teaching in Berlin notes: "My German students want clear structure, definitive answers. I want to explore ambiguities, debate ideas. These are clichés, but clichés with truth. Learning to appreciate both approaches enriches everyone."
Arte, the Franco-German cultural television channel, embodies both cooperation's potential and challenges. Creating programming that appeals to both audiences requires constant negotiation over everything from documentary styles to humor.
Defense Cooperation: Advances and Limits
Franco-German defense cooperation has advanced significantly yet faces structural limits. Joint projects like the Future Combat Air System and Main Ground Combat System represent billions in investment and decades-long commitments.
Yet different strategic cultures persist. France's nuclear weapons, permanent UN Security Council seat, and global military commitments create capabilities and responsibilities Germany doesn't share. German constitutional restrictions and historical sensitivities limit military options France takes for granted.
General Pierre de Villiers, former French Chief of Defense Staff, observes: "We train together, plan together, deploy together in places like Mali and the Balkans. But when push comes to shove, France must be able to act alone. Germany understands this, even if it complicates true integration."
The Impact on Other EU Members
The Franco-German partnership's dominance creates resentment among other EU members. Smaller states worry about directoires where Paris and Berlin decide, then present faits accomplis. The "Club Med" countries feel excluded from Northern European consensus. Eastern Europeans suspect Franco-German deals at their expense.
Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi diplomatically noted: "Franco-German agreement is necessary but not sufficient for European progress. When Paris and Berlin disagree, nothing moves. When they agree alone, others feel steamrolled. The art is making their partnership inclusive."
This tension requires careful management. France and Germany increasingly include others—Poland in the Weimar Triangle, Italy in various formats. Yet the special relationship remains central, for better or worse.
Generational Change
Younger French and Germans often take reconciliation for granted while questioning the partnership's current form. They grew up in a Europe without borders, studying and working freely across the Rhine. For them, Franco-German friendship is natural, not miraculous.
Emma Schulz, a German student in Paris, reflects this generational shift: "My grandparents' generation needed formal reconciliation. My parents' generation built European institutions. My generation asks: what's next? Climate action? Digital innovation? The old motor needs new fuel."
This generational change brings opportunities and risks. Younger leaders may be more flexible, less bound by historical patterns. But they may also undervalue what their grandparents built through patient compromise.
Current Challenges
Today's Franco-German partnership faces multiple challenges:
1. Power Imbalances: Germany's larger economy and population create structural asymmetries France struggles to balance.
2. Different Geographies: Germany's central European position differs from France's Atlantic and Mediterranean orientations.
3. Political Fragmentation: Both countries face domestic political challenges that complicate bold European initiatives.
4. External Pressures: American disengagement, Chinese assertion, and Russian aggression require responses that don't always align.
5. Economic Models: The pandemic and climate transition reopened debates about fiscal rules, industrial policy, and economic governance.
Future Prospects
Despite challenges, the Franco-German partnership remains indispensable. No alternative motor for European integration exists. British departure reinforced the partnership's centrality. Other potential combinations—Mediterranean alliances, New Hanseatic leagues—complement but cannot replace Franco-German cooperation.
Reform proposals abound. Some suggest institutionalizing a Franco-German parliamentary assembly. Others propose joint ministries or integrated military units. Most importantly, many advocate opening the partnership to others more systematically.
German Chancellor Olaf Scholz captured current thinking: "The Franco-German engine needs maintenance and probably some new parts. But scrapping it for a completely new model would leave Europe stalled on the highway of history."
Lessons for Europe
The Franco-German experience offers broader lessons:
1. Reconciliation Requires Work: Historical enemies can become partners, but it requires deliberate, sustained effort across generations.
2. Institutions Matter: Regular meetings, exchange programs, and joint projects create habits of cooperation that outlast particular leaders.
3. Differences Can Be Productive: Franco-German differences, when managed well, produce creative compromises that neither could achieve alone.
4. Leadership Needs Legitimacy: The partnership works best when it brings others along rather than imposing solutions.
5. Adaptation Is Essential: What worked for de Gaulle and Adenauer needs updating for contemporary challenges.
Voices from Both Sides
The partnership looks different from various perspectives:
Klaus Hermann, German business owner: "France is our most important partner, but also our most difficult. They want political solutions to economic problems. We want economic solutions to political problems. Somehow, we muddle through."
Sylvie Goulard, former French European Minister: "Germany is like a older sibling—sometimes protective, sometimes overbearing, always important. We French bring imagination and political will. Germans bring method and economic power. Europe needs both."
Jean-Baptiste Leclerc, French farmer in Alsace: "My grandfather fought the Germans. My father learned to work with them. I married one. That's European integration in three generations."
Greta Schmidt, German MEP: "The partnership my grandparents built from hatred's ashes remains inspiring. But my generation must build something new from cooperation's foundation. The motor needs reimagining for the 21st century."
Conclusion: An Indispensable Partnership
The Franco-German partnership, for all its imperfections, remains the beating heart of European integration. Born from tragedy, nurtured through patient compromise, tested by crisis, it has proven remarkably resilient. Its ability to transform historical enmity into structural cooperation offers hope in a world often divided by ancient hatreds.
Yet this partnership cannot rest on past achievements. New challenges—digital transformation, climate change, geopolitical competition—require new forms of cooperation. The motor of Europe needs retooling for contemporary roads.
Most importantly, the partnership must remain open—to other European partners, to new generations, to different perspectives. Franco-German cooperation serves Europe best when it enables broader European progress rather than substituting for it.
As we examine Brexit's impact next, we'll see how British departure reinforced Franco-German centrality while also highlighting the need for more inclusive European leadership. The motor of Europe runs on, but its journey continues to evolve.# Part 3: Brexit's Ripple Effects